奥氏就职演说之历史地位

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原文: Obama’s Place in Inauguration History

By Carl M. Cannon Subscribe To This Blog RSS
2009年1月21日

Print journalists often over-prepare for television interviews, and I am no exception. My C-SPAN interview after President Obama’s inaugural address lasted only a few minutes, but I did my homework, studying dozens of inaugural addresses, and reading numerous interviews with political scientists and assorted presidential scholars—so I’ll attempt to place Tuesday’s speech in some historical context.


President Barack Obama takes the Oath of Office as the 44th President with his wife Michelle, daughters Malia (second from right) and Sasha (right) by his side at the Capitol. REUTERS/Chuck Kennedy/Pool (UNITED STATES)

 

For starters, Obama’s invocation of George Washington couldn’t have been more fitting. It was President Washington who read his own inaugural speech aloud on April 30, 1789 in New York City, setting a precedent that lasts to this day. And what an enriching precedent it is. On Tuesday, Obama recalled the image of General Washington leading American militia against British regulars in the winter of 1776, and of the words—written by Thomas Paine—that Washington ordered be read to the troops huddled in the snow on the shores of the icy Delaware River.

Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].  

“In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words,” Obama continued. “With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.” 

That is fine rhetoric, and even finer sentiments, as I believe most people who were listening would agree. How does it fit historically into the pantheon of inaugural addresses? Before I offer an opinion, let’s examine a few of the past presidents' greatest hits.

 

The notion that an inaugural address should be an occasion for healing, for bringing political factions together, is a concept we owe to Thomas Jefferson after the bitter presidential campaign of 1800. “But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle,” Jefferson said in the first inauguration at the Capitol. “We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.”

 

In uttering these words, Jefferson raised the bar for future inaugural eloquence—unity being to political rhetoric what a windless day is to sailing. Some presidents have risen above that constraint, although tough times certainly help sharpen their oratory. The toughest of times, of course, were during the Civil War. Fittingly, Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address set the standard by which all others are measured.

 

After articulating the great underlying cause of the war, which was slavery, Lincoln noted that each side read the same bible and prayed to the same God, invoking His aid against the other, and that the prayers of both could not be answered, and amidst the unspeakable carnage, the prayers of neither could be answered fully. He then noted in the speech’s most famous lines, “With malice toward none, with charity for all…let us strive to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds…”

 

Lincoln has not come to us again, and God forbid that we ever need him the way we did in 1861. Great speakers and great presidents have come and gone, however. In the time of the modern presidency, four inaugural addresses stand above all the others, at least to me. Those of you who read this blog regularly might think to yourselves, “Okay, here it comes: Loose Cannon will have two Democrats and two Republicans.” Well, you’re right.

 

I’ll begin in chronological order. Franklin Roosevelt’s 1933 inauguration, with its memorable line—perhaps the most memorable in all 20th century American oratory—about fear. “This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper,” FDR said as the Great Depression swallowed ever-more banks, factories, farms, and American families’ hopes. “So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.”

 

President Hoover had been saying the same thing for the better part of a year, but Americans had tuned him out. This has an echo in our day. Take the time to re-read George W. Bush’s first inaugural address. You will be struck by the fact that Bush said many of the same things Barack Obama said regarding service to community and country, and he said them just as well, if not better. But a large majority of Americans have tuned Bush out. By contrast, they are dialed into Obama, which underscores another point about inaugurations. They are all about hope and possibility, but ultimately a president is saddled with his policies and buffeted by world events. He is judged, as he should be, by more than speeches. Consider these soaring inaugural words:

Ours is a land rich in resources; stimulating in its glorious beauty; filled with millions of happy homes; blessed with comfort and opportunity. In no nation are the institutions of progress more advanced. In no nation are the fruits of accomplishment more secure. In no nation is the government more worthy of respect. No country is more loved by its people. I have an abiding faith in their capacity, integrity, and high purpose. I have no fears for the future of our country. It is bright with hope.

As you may have guessed by now, that was Herbert Hoover on March 4, 1929.

The next great inaugural address, I believe, was given by John F. Kennedy. That speech, delivered flawlessly by the handsome war hero with the Boston accent on a stunningly cold Washington day, is so full of inspiring passages that the only challenge is which one to mention. I’ll remind you of two:

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.  

The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country. 

Twenty years later, with American self-confidence in the dumpster; the Cold War seemingly dragging on forever; and the U.S. economy crippled by inflation, high interest rates, low employment, and a disquieting dependence on foreign oil, Ronald Reagan rode in on his white horse and told Americans on his unseasonably warm and sunny inaugural day: “With all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength…We have every right to dream heroic dreams.”

 

Renewal is a constant theme of these ceremonies, for obvious reasons. The clever slogan doesn’t always stick the way FDR’s “New Deal” or JFK’s “New Frontier” captured the national imagination. I mean, who recalls Jimmy Carter’s “New Spirit” or Bill Clinton’s “New Convenant”? (The biggest bomb might have been George H.W. Bush’s “New Breeze.”)

 

Neither the single defining phrase, nor the great one-liner is the only way to judge a speech. Little kids did not go around citing lines from George W. Bush’s first inaugural the way they did Kennedy’s, but it was a work of art nonetheless. Don’t take my word for it. 

 

“George W. Bush’s first week as President of the United States began with a speech that, taken as a whole and judged purely as a piece of writing, was shockingly good.” That was the assessment, not of Loose Cannon, but of the talented Hendrik Hertzberg of The New Yorker. His praise was notable not only because Hertzberg is openly liberal, but because he helped craft Jimmy Carter’s inaugural address. Hertzberg continued his review of George W. Bush’s first inaugural address: “It was by far the best inaugural address in forty years. In substance if not in expression, it was a speech that, with five minutes of blue-penciling, could as easily have been delivered by the rightful winner of the election.”

  And so, Bush 43 delivered on Jefferson’s promise: He gave a speech so unifying in its tone and content that a loyal member of the opposition openly thought it could have been given, with only slight modifications, by the candidate of the other party. So what went wrong? You already know the answer. Presidential rhetoric sets the table. The meal is their policies, the world events that unfold around them, and how they respond to those events. Yes, Obama made people feel good yesterday with his inaugural address. Whether it is destined to be remembered fondly in the future depends in large part on what is yet to come—in what happens during the next four, or eight, years.

Read more about Barack Obama's 2009 Presidential Inauguration.
      

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译文: 奥氏就职演说之历史地位

Carl M. Cannon撰写  订阅本博客RSS

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2009年1月21日

   出版业的新闻记者常为电视采访额外准备,我本人亦不例外。在奥巴马总统发表就职演说②后,我为了一个区区几分钟的美国有线-卫星公共事务网络①的采访,预先研究了几十篇就职演说,阅览了大量的政治学家及形形色色的总统学者奖得主③的访谈。我将尝试从历史的角度来解读奥巴马总统周二的演说。

美国总统巴拉克·奥巴马在妻子米歇尔,女儿玛利亚(右二)及萨沙(右一)的陪同下,于国会宣誓任职第44届美国总统。路透社/Chuck Kennedy/Pool(美国)

 

   奥巴马援引乔治·华盛顿④作为演说开头可谓恰如其分。1789年4月30日,正是华盛顿总统在纽约市嘹亮地发表了就职演说,其先声为后来者遵循至今。周二,奥巴马回顾了1776年冬季华盛顿将军带领美国民兵抗击英国正规军⑤的历程,以及应华盛顿要求、由托马斯·佩恩⑥撰写,并向簇拥在为冰雪覆盖的特拉华河⑦河畔的军营将士传达的话语。

   “愿昭告来日世界...严冬如斯,万物萧苏,惟希冀善德促人坚韧长存...国难临头,当同仇敌忾,奋而迎之。”

   而奥巴马则说道:“今日美国亦在严冬中面临共同之危难,我们需铭记国父们的不朽言辞。心怀希冀与善德,不畏严寒风暴,再度中流击水。我们要让子孙后代如是评说:‘试炼当前,迎难而上,他们未曾踌躇或停滞。’脚踏实地,心存信仰,拜上帝恩典,传世代自由,永志不忘。”

   奥巴马的发言修辞得当,情感流露更是到位,我想大多数听者都同持此见。它与历史上诸多就职演说有何异同?在我表明观点前,不妨先考究部分往届总统的传世佳句。

   受托马斯·杰斐逊⑧影响,人们认为就职演讲应当起到调停党派矛盾的作用。杰斐逊从1800年激烈的美国总统竞选⑨中获胜,并在第一次国会就职典礼上如是说道:“但是,各种意见分歧并不都是原则分歧。我们同是共和党人,同是联邦党人”。

   杰弗逊的雄辩将修辞融入政治,引领政治辞令进入全新境界,有些总统做得比杰弗逊更上一层楼,当然其中也有时代的因素:困难的时期能促进总统利其口才。譬如在最困难的内战时期,亚伯拉罕·林肯⑩顺应时代背景的第二次就职演说异常出彩,并为后来者所尺量。

   林肯在清晰地阐明内战爆发的潜在原因在于奴隶制度后,指出双方(黑人与白人)其实都同阅一本《圣经》,同祁一方上帝,同求施上帝之力以制敌。而在腥风血雨之中,上帝不会援助任何一方。其后林肯一语惊四座:“毋怀苦毒,广施仁爱...恪守本职,愈国之殇...”

   斯人已逝不可追,主亦不容我们重蹈1861年的覆辙。滚滚长江东逝水,浪花淘尽英雄。在我看来,共有四次就职演说在现代总统任期中技压群芳,堪称经典。时常光顾本博客的诸位估计已在心里念叨:“得了,我们那无视规矩和权威的作者肯定又会提两个民主党人,两个共和党人,秋色平分。”恭喜你,答对了。

   我按时间顺序来说。在1933年富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福的就职演说中有一句关于“恐惧”的名言,恐怕也是20世纪美国演说中最著名的话语。大萧条吞噬了愈来愈多的银行,工厂,农场,以及美国家庭的信心,而罗斯福说道:“这个伟大的国家曾历经磨难,日后仍将经受考验,并且将恢复生机,繁荣昌盛。因此,请允许我申明我的坚定信念:真正让我们恐惧的,不过是恐惧本身。这不可名状,歇斯底里,毫无根据的恐惧,会将我们奋而向前的付出化为乌有,无济于事。”

   胡佛总统也曾经持同样的论调达大半年,但是美国人民还是把他赶下了台。历史总是惊人地相似。如果你花点时间再次看看乔治·沃克·布什的第一次就职演说,你会惊奇地发现奥巴马许多有关为建设社会与国家添砖加瓦的论调布什早就说过,布什甚至还说得有过之而无不及。但是同样,相当多的美国人仍然抛弃了布什。奥巴马的演说则体现了就职演说的另一个要素,并且博得了人们的欢心,那就是传达希望与机遇。但评判一位总统的标准终究还是其在处理政策及国际大事方面的表现,而不仅是他的能言善辩。

   我们看看这段壮志凌云的就职辞令:

   “这是一片富饶的土地,愈发壮美,承载着多少幸福的家庭,又有多少安适与良机。在这里,有最先进的制度,有最稳固的成就,还有最可敬可嘉的政府。它深受人民爱戴,无与伦比。我始终坚信美国人民的才能,正直及其远大追求。光明的未来将拥抱这个国度,我始终坚信。”

   这正是赫伯特·胡佛在1929年3月4日就职时说的。估计你们已经猜到了。

   其次就是约翰·肯尼迪的就职演说。在华盛顿冰冻三尺的某日,我们英俊的战斗英雄,带着波士顿口音完美无瑕地演绎了他振奋人心的演说。要从通篇出彩的演说中挑出最出彩的两处,真是费了我九牛二虎之力。

   “让所有国家都知道--无论它是盼望我们繁荣还是诅咒我们衰落,为确保自由的存在和胜利,我们愿意付出任何代价,承受任何负担,应付任何艰难,声援任何朋友,反抗任何敌人。”

   “我们为捍卫自由事业奉献的精力与虔诚将照亮祖国和为之效劳者的前程,火焰的光芒必将启明世界。所以,同胞们,不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么。”

   廿年后,基于着美国人的自信,冷战似乎永无休止的拖延下去,而美国经济则为高涨的通货膨胀和利率,低就业率及让人惴惴不安的对外国的石油依赖所削弱。而罗纳德·里根则在就职演说中向美国人风度翩翩地传达了其逆势而上的乐观:“让我们以拥有的创造力开拓一个国家复兴的时代吧。让我们重拾决心,勇气与力量...我们都有权去做英雄梦。”

   基于显而易见的原因,“复兴”是就职演说不变的主题。高明的口号并不一定完全遵循诸如富兰克林·罗斯福的“新政”,或是约翰·肯尼迪“新边疆”之类的固有模式来激发民众的想象。我想说,有谁还记得吉米·卡特的“新精神”,或者比尔·克林顿的“新誓约”么?(估计最失败的莫过于老布什提出的“新微风”)

   单个的定义性词组也好,或是一句神来妙语也罢,都不是评价演说成功与否的唯一标准。孩子们没有像引用肯尼迪的就职演说那样把小布什那些鼓舞人心的言语挂在嘴边(感谢hemonie,但它好歹和艺术沾边。别把我的话太当回事儿。

   “乔治·沃克·布什以一次整体极为上乘的演说开始了变身为美国总统后的第一周。”这可不是“无视规矩和权威”的本人评价的,而是出自《纽约客》才华横溢的专栏作家亨德里克·赫兹伯格之口。他的赞美之所以值得关注,不仅因为他是一名公开的自由主义者,还由于他曾帮助吉米·卡特润色了就职演说稿。赫兹伯格还说道:“这是目前为止近四十年中最棒的就职演说。至少从内容上来说,这是篇只需要小修小改,当选者即能轻松演绎的演说”。

   此外,43岁的布什还兑现了杰弗逊调停党派间矛盾的承诺:无论是从表现还是从内容上来看,布什的演说都是如此得团结人心,以至于敌对党派的党徒能坦率地承认只要略加修改,这篇演说简直就可为其党派的候选人所用。那么,究竟是什么原因导致布什的失宠呢?你已心中有数:总统的出彩措辞不过为之提供了展示的平台,而其处理政策、国际大事的能力和效果才更为秀色可餐,切莫本末倒置。奥巴马能否名垂千古,深得民心,恐怕主要还得看其在日后的四年,又或是八年中能否有所作为。

 

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